ethnicity and political development in nigeria pdf


ETHNICITY AND POLITICAL DEVELOPMENT IN NIGERIA
A CASE STUDY OF THE FOURTH REPUBLIC 1999-2011


ABSTRACT
This work is aimed out explaining ethnicity and the impact of ethnicity on Nigeria’s political development starting from the fourth republic to 2011.
one cannot undermine the fact that ethnicity has played a major role in Nigeria’s political history hence taking a look at this all important concept is necessary. This work will also help to explicitly expose the extent to which the activities of ethnic groups in Nigeria have affected its development.


TABLE OF CONTENTS
Title page                                                                 i
Certification                                                             iii
Dedication                                                               iv
Acknowledgement                                                    v
Table of contents                                                    
CHAPTER ONE
1.1      Background of the study
1.2       Statement of problem
1.3      Objectives of the study
1.4      Research hypothesis
1.5      Significance of the study
1.6      Scope of the study
1.7      Theoretical framework
1.8      Resreach methodology
1.9      Clarification of concepts
1.10 Organization of work
References
CHAPTER TWO
2.1   Review of related literature
2.2   First republic
2.3   Second republic
References
CHAPTER THREE
Presentation and analysis of data and summary of major finding
3.1      The impact of ethnicity on political development in Nigeria’s 4th republic till day and data analysis
3.2      The impact of ethnicity on political development 4th till date
3.3      Data analysis and summary of major findings
References
CHAPTER FOUR
Summary, conclusion and recommendation
5.1      Summary
5.2      Conclusion
5.3      Recommendation
References


CHAPTER ONE
1.1 BACKGROUND OF THE STUDY
        The nature of Nigerian politics is always seen on the whims and caprices of the three major ethnic groups that make up the federation. The major ethnic groups that make up the federation. The major ethnic groups are heterogeneous in character, in that, they differ from one another both in political behavior, economic orientation, social interaction and religious tolerance. The political atmosphere of the federation of Nigeria is always seen on regional sentiment and orientation based on the loyalty of the people to their respective states. It constitute one of most expression of what Clifford Geartz called ‘primordial attachment’ stemming from the gives of political existence that seems to have an ineffable and at times over powering coerciveness in and at of themselves.
        It was against this background that the federation did not even command any national loyalty due to the fact that each region was always suspicious of one another. As Awolowo stated, Nigeria is not a nation but a mere geographical expression. This statement by Awolowo becomes the bedrock of parochial politics of the Nigeria society. This was invariably propagated by the colonial administration. This statement further meant that Nigerian embraces various cultural linguistic nationalities which he often led to a show of cultural nationalism in the country.
        This divided the society into three unequal parts which therefore precipitated rebalance in the body of politics of the federation and as such continued to encourage ethnic sentiments both in the past and present administrations.
        Ethnicity denotes a group of individuals who consider themselves, or are considered by others, to share common characteristics which differentiate them from other collectivities within a society (Blurtit Ltd). It has also been defined as membership to a particular cultural group which is defined by share cultural practices. People can share nationality but have different ethnicity. Example the citizens of Nigeria are of different ethnic background. (United Nations Cybar School Bus). This ethnicity and its countervailing force was also justified in the statement made by Dudley. He remarked that the Richards constitution of 1946 contributed in brining in ethnic consciousness and diversities in the political surface of Nigeria. Richard’s constitution’s concept of regionalism which characterized North, East and West became the offshoot and eye-opener of ethnicity in the body politics and as such continued to constitute an impose to the federation as a whole.
        Nevertheless, a typical example of this impasse manifested in 1964 general elections which led to the collapse of the first republic. The major political parties recognized during that time was the Action Group (AG) Northern People Congress (NPC) and the National Council of Nigeria Citizens (NCNC). The parties controlled there respective regional government and as such dominated the activities of the first republic. Being ethnic in outlook, they not only battled against one another fiercely to influence the machinery of government but also applied some dubious means to influence the electoral process in order to win and control the state power.
        One basic fact of the Nigeria social formation or the Nigeria state is its composition by multi ethnic nationalities or multi ethnic groups. Interestingly though, both scholarship and experience have not come to terms with the exact number of Nigeria’s multiethnic groups. Oftentimes attention is shifted to the tripod consisting of the Hausa/Fulani, Yoruba and Igbo and the others generally referred to as minority ethnic groups. In political terms, the minority ethnic groups are referred to as the fourth force or fourth dimension. It is generally claimed that the minority ethnic groups constitute a dominant majority it were possible for them to assert political power all together, out of the territorial enclave of each minority ethnic group. In the absence of an actual number of the component ethnic nationalities in Nigeria, people often resort to ascribing to the country as made up of over 250 ethnic groups or abut 300 ethnic groups. The vagueness or impression about the number of ethnic components of the Nigeria state is not caused by the absence of academic or intellectual research. On the contrary, the phenomenon of ethnic nationality in the past colonial social formation tends to defy precision on definitional elements. The best application of five characteristic of ethnic nationality derived from a combination of political sociology and social anthropology comes from a distinguished scholar at the University of Ibadan Professor Onigu Otite. The five characteristics are as follows:
1.    Share in a common culture and identity, language, history and kinship! This element is also conveyed in the literature as ‘complementarily of communication.
2.    There is the encapsulation of the full range of demographic division of age and gender and a network of economic political and social institutions.
3.    There is within an ethnic nationality, a differentiation in wealth, status and power that is social stratification.
4.    There is the element of a homeland a home territory for an ethnic group.
5.    Yet members of an ethnic nationality share co-existence with other groups outside the homeland in the post colonial state system.
(General Ibrahim Babangida) excerpt from a lecture delivered at NIPSS, Kuru Jos Dec. 2002).
        The federal government, either civilian or military over some years has continued to proffer or introduce various solutions geared towards removing entirely or reducing it to the bearest minimum, the negativistic tendencies of ethnicity.
        Finally, as its face value or constituted as an independent analytic force ethnicity lacks potency underlying ethnicity. It is the class structure of Nigeria politics and the pattern of inequality associated with it. Some of these are the solutions embarked by federal government to annihilate the rate of ethnicity in Nigeria by the introduction of National Youth Service Corps (NYSC) creation of states, local government and rotation of presidency. This will go along to minimize the problem created by ethnicity.
 1.2 STATEMENT OF PROBLEM
        Nigeria since independence has adopted various techniques or approach toward achieving unity and development. These methods include the establishment of federal principles such as the federal character, creation of states, rotational presidency, quota system, National Youth Service Corps and so on. All these methods were geared toward promoting national unity to foster political development among others, such that citizens of Nigeria are given sense of belonging. But unfortunately, the political process fraught with so many political problems. Its institutions are crisis ridden. Leaders are seen in terms of their ethnic region and consequently political development is hampered. Therefore, it is worthwhile to ask the following questions as it relates to the subject matter and political development
1.     Why is ethnicity so endemic and manifest in the political consciousness of Nigeria?
2.     Why have the measures adopted failed overtime in bringing about political development?
3.     How can the impact of ethnicity on political development be ameliorated?
1.3 OBJECTIVES OF THE STUDY
        The study seeks to:
1.  Explain why Nigerians are so ethnic conscious.
2.  Explain why ethnicity has continued to obstruct political development in Nigeria.
3.  Proffer solution on how to ameliorate the problems of political development in Nigeria.
1.4 RESEARCH HYPOTHESIS
        For the purpose of proper understanding, hypothesis is a tentative answer to a research question. Therefore, the following hypotheses were formulated to guide the study.
1.     That the endemic nature of ethnic consciousness among Nigerians is noted in the differences in historical, traditional, cultural and religious background of Nigeria groups.
2.     Lack of commitment by the Nigeria nation state to the pursuit of true federation is responsible for the effective result of measure adopted to resolve ethnic problems in Nigeria.
1.5 SIGNIFICANCE OF THE STUDY
        The findings of this study would be of value in the illumination and formulation of method for managing the impact of ethnicity on political development in Nigeria. It would also help in creating a more equitable, viable, and united and stable political system in the country.
1.6 SCOPE OF THE STUDY
        This study limits itself to an attempt to unravel the implication of ethnicity on political development. Nigeria political background as it affects political development.
1.7 THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK
        For the purpose of clanty, theoretical framework offers a clear direction and background information for the understanding and explanation of the occurrence, dynamics and persistence of a given social system. Therefore, for the purpose of this study, the theoretical framework chosen is the group theory of analysis. The origin of group theory of analysis is traceable to author Bentley and a host of others intellectual followers like, Damel Fruman, Earl Cathan, John Figgis, F.N Matland, E.G.H Coll and so on.
-      For Bentley politics is a group affair rooted on interest, which implies that interest is central to the understanding of politics and at the same time. It is also a share attitude concerning a claim or claims made by one group upon other groups in the social system. Nevertheless, other intellectuals like Earl Cattian and John Figgis contributions of groups theory even though they have been accused of reductionalism of politics to every action of group in the social system.
-      P.P Ekeh applying this theory for the understanding and explanation of the problems of ethnicity and political development in Nigeria. He explained that ethnic groups may engage in negativistic activities as a result of deprivation, marginalization. Based on this, they would wa to do everything they could toward regaining their right in the nation state.
-      For Daniel Fruman and his other intellectual followers however sees effort, or response by the organized power of the Nigeria state have always manifested a wrong approach toward the resolution of the problem for a genuine power sharing which is often assumed an inappropriate coercive posture rather than negotiation or dominant class who controls the instrumentality of state apparatus manages to manipulate the rest members of the society, while depriving ethnic groups their due rights and ments. In other words, ethnicity in Nigeria is the manifestation of different ethnic groups nual competition for power because of the imbued ethnic dispositions of them. Hence the ethuiazation of all issues in Nigeria politics and government.
In this wise, to Bentley the only genuine approved to national integration in the Nigeria state must be anchored on the principles of social justice and negotiations as evident in a true democracy and good leadership, which intellectuals said that only when this is done, the Nigeria fragmented and disgruntled state could be properly integrated for a harmomous entity.
1.8 RESEARCH METHODOLOGY
        This study made use of survey method which is the speculation of procedures for gathering information. The study made use of primary and secondary sources of data gathering. The primary has observation while the secondary method includes books, journals, magazines and newspaper. 
1.9 CLARIFICATION OF CONCEPTS
        The aim of conceptual clarification is to guide the readers on what the researcher meant by specific terminologies that are employed in this study. Since it service as an earn means of communication between the reader and researcher, such terms include: ethnicity, ethnic group, colonial rule and political parties.
1.    Ethnicity: It is associated with interaction among members of different ethnic groups, it is characterized by common consciousness of being one in relation to the other relevant ethnic groups its attributes are beliefs, group identity, parochial orientation and group pride.
2.    Ethnic group: According to Smoch ethnic group is defined as association of people bound together by felt ties of kinship of contiguity. It consist of interacting member, they defined themselves ad belonging to a named or labeled social group with those interest they identify and which manifest certain aspect of a unique culture. Ethnic groups are thus used in the work to mean, collection of people that feel led to each other usually by linguistic and political bonds. The basic function for ethnicity is to bind individual to a group it informs a persons where to belong and whom he can trust.
3.    Colonial rule: This refers to the period when the colonial masters ruled Nigeria before we gained independence.
4.    Political parties: It is defined as a political organization which regard themselves as parties and which are generally regarded. The sore purpose for the formulation of political party is to conduct and win election and being at the seat of power. It is used in this cause of study because it was through political parties that ethnicity was really known. All the parties in the early colonial era and up till date could be said to be ethnicity backed or oriented e.g. NCNC, was mainly Igbo oriented, Action Group was mainly Yoruba oriented while NPC was Hausa oriented. They are abstract examples.
1.10 ORGANIZATION OF WORK
        Chapter one focuses attention on the introduction, state of problem, objectives of study, research hypothesis, significance of the study, scope of the study, theoretical framework, resreach methodology and clarification of concepts.

REFERENCES
Clifford Goertz: The Integration Revolution Primordial Sentiments and Civil Politics in the New State” In Goertz. Edi Old Societies and New State, the Quest for Modernity in African and Asia (New York; The Free Press of Glencoe) p. 109.
Awolowo Obafemi: Path to Nigeria Freedom (London: Faber 1947). p 379.
Billy Dudley: An Introduction to Nigeria Government and Politics (London – The Macmillan Press Ltd 1982) pp 36-37.
Bentley Budley – Parties and Politics in Northern Nigeria (London: Frank Cass 1968) p. 299.
P.P Ekeh – Colonialism and the Two Publics in Africa: A Theoretical Statement (Ibadan University Press 1975) p 105.
Nigeria House of Representatives Debates: Journals, Second Session March 3 – April 1953 (Lagos Government Printer (1953) p. 992.
CHAPTER TWO
2.1 REVIEW OF RELATED LITERATURE
        As a negative countervailing force to political development, the phenomenon of ethnicity in Nigeria political scene has been the pre-occupation to many writers. The term ethnicity, which is an abstraction from the behaviour pattern of ethnic groups towards one another, has been identified earlier by Smock who defined ethnic group as an association of people bound together by felt tier of kinship or continuity. According to the identification of members within the groups, considering this, Smock was of the view that ethnicity is a contingent variable and as such it is mutable and that any of its characteristics such as language or geographical continuity, which is emphasized at any particular event, depends on our circumstances. She also went further to stress that ethnic affiliation is self defined in the sense that members of the group rather than outsiders draw its boundaries. And that certain chrematistics like a common dialect may be shared by two communities which perceive themselves to be members of separate ethnic group which in another situation linguistics factors may determine the boundaries of ethnic affiliation. She also accepted that, the most possible condition that leads to ethnicity is contact. Tracing its origin specifically, she attributed ethnicity to be bringing together of communities into wider range to contact with other groups of both similar or dissimilar nature. This nature was brought about by colonial administration which percepted political transformation n the nature of ethnic identity. It is because of this ethnic divergence in the competition of political leadership brought about the collapse of Nigeria’s first republic.
        Irukwu comments that ethnicity is a belief in superiority of one’s cultural group or society and corresponding dislike or misunderstanding of other groups; Irukwu was of the view that a society which is heterogonous in character will invariably resort to ethnicity to prove their worth in the midst of other groups. He went further to stress that there is every likelihood of one group developing strong hatred on other groups for the purpose of allocating societal resources. While commenting on Nigeria’s ethnic state, he pointed out that it would be appropriate to describe ethnicity as a total commitment to one’s ethnic group and a corresponding distrust and dislike of other groups to the detriment of political nation state. He maintained that ethnicity and inter ethnic rival or simply tribalism has been and remains the most important de-establishing factor in the Nigeria’s national development agenda. He therefore noted that people resort to ethnic identification more frequently are those who have a weak case which connoted be supported on the grounds of ment or reason and as such embark on what is commonly called ‘tribal jingoism’ to safety their own personal desire.
        Nnoli opined that ethnicity usually evolve as a result of economic consideration. To him, the presence of the colonial master and their consequent transformation of economic structure in Nigeria society contributed. He also maintained that the rural-urban migration led to the formation of tribal association characterized by in-group, out-group identity and thereafter metamorphosed into political parties in the first republic to balance ethnic line which resulted to the collapse of democracy in the first republic. He still went further to posit that, the growing power of the ethnic groups and its negative consequences for the development of common national consciousness were recognized by a few nationalist leaders and organization of the fine (Ibid 140-143).
        In 1945, Eyoita sensing the negative trend that was emerging as a result of the growing power of these parochial associations warned that “the greatest Nigeria today is to become a community to evolve a national selfhood”. He urged Nigerians to seek cooperation among ethnic groups in ways that will help to build a strong national consciousness. The major problem facing Nigeria today can be seen on the influence of colonial political economic and professional interest at the time. These become the offshoot to determining elite in the society. Since these elite are ventable instrument in organizing and shaping the society through the pursuit of the economic and political interest; which was follicular, and helping to set the stage of events which propelled the country irretrievable into the politicization of ethnicity. Nnol quoted in February 1941, Dr. K.A Abayomi, a former president of the Nigeria Youth Movement (NYM) resigned his on the advise of the governor’s executive council.
        A struggle for succession ensued with the government between Ernest Okoli, the then president and Samuel Akinsanye, the vice president. Both were founding members of the organization. Ikolo eventually emerged successful. His business enemy Azikiwe was not glad and neither was the defeated Akinsaye. Both, along with their respective Igbo and Ijebu Yoruba supporters, rationalized their defeat as a manifestation of ethnic prejudice against Ijebu Yoruba, Obademi Awolowo. It was against this backed up that Nnoli remarked that the development of political parties depended first and foremost on the dynamics of the interest of those elites and only peripherally, it at all on the followers.
        A critical overview of the literature will show that the above scholars and individuals tried to trace the origin of ethnicity in this country and regret that the phenomenon of ethnicity has led to many social dislocation in the country, our politicians capatilize on it as a way for getting political post. In this regard, Azikiwe said, some Nigeria political leaders are like lost sheep’s. They have followed the selfish devices and personal desire of own heart instead of the general will in the pursuit of political gains. Nevertheless, they have left undone those things that ought to be done. And as these parochial ideas and sentiment were the order of Nigeria’s ethnic behaviour as well as the canker eating into the very fabric of our nation. Its negative countervailing force towards political development which become the most de-stabilizing factor to the political stability of this country.
2.2 FIRST REPUBLIC
        The first republic (1960-66) election and politics in Nigeria was duely coloured by the McPherson constitution of 1951 which in addition to the colonial divide and rule teaches entrenched division between social and ethnic groups in Nigeria. The regionalization of the legislature in that constitution (the constitution introduced three major rejoins in Nigeria each with its won automous legislature) providing the breeding ground for ethnic politics as it were. In fact Coleman (1960) in a very spontaneous appnsal of the constitution saw it as accelerating the draft towards ethno-nationalism and tribalism. In an ostentatious bid to culture the regional legislature, political parties made primordial sentiments the plans of their mobilization of the electorate. Also, the ethnic factor was aided by the initial controversy emanating from the motion for political development for Nigeria in 1956 moved by Anhtony Enahono in the federal legislature in 1953. Predictably, the northerners reacted to this motion as a move by the southerners then in command of crucial sectors of national life to railroad then into independence and eventual domination. An interpretation that had the implicit blessing of the colonial powers who resonded with more programmes.
        The controversy generated by the enahoro motion and the fears of the minorities the engendered a conscious bid by different groups to protect their own primary interest in the emergent Nigeria nation. The patriotic spint that marked the nationalistic struggle of 1946’s and early 1950’s soon gave away to deepening ethno-nationalism and primordial politics. Against the above background, the politics and political parties of the first republic were products of narrow ethnic and social groups calculations. In fact, each political party that emerged then was the front of a particular ethnic group (whether majority or minority ethnic group) as a result, the election were determined by ethnic factors and the victorious Nigeria peoples congress (NPC) was the party of the largest ethnic groups. The Hausa, Fulani, while petty ethnic and primary social factors formed formidable forces spinning for national office, the sustenance of such a party can hardly be built on these factors. Therefore, the first republic collapse soon enough and landed Nigeria eventually into a civil war and the most trying period in its existence as a nation state.
        Inspite of the emergence from the bank of national collapse due largely to the ethniazation of the politics of the first republic.
2.3 SECOND REPUBLIC
        The second republic politicians also provided adamant to the lessons of history. The second republic politics was played on the ethnic plank which also led to its demise. The voting patterns in the elections revealed that voters choice was a product of the ethnic affiliation of the candidate and more crucially the known ethnic base of his party. In this case, people voted for political parti4es and not for the candidates. The spread of support for the political parties duing the elections showed that the perceived ethnic origin or base of the party was of paramount importance. This fact was clearly demonstrated in the presidential elections in which each ethnic group voted for the candidate identified as their own son as it were. Even Alhaji Shehu Shagari was pronounced president based on the interpretation of the constitutional provision that such votes cast and not less than one quarter of votes cast in at least two0thirds of all the states of the federation to mean 12; of the 19 states then existing and not necessarily 13 as vigorous promoted by the supporters of the late Obafemi Awolowo who came second. It generated a great controversy that further worsened the ethnic cleavage. The end products of this situation were the escalation of ethno-religious conflicts (Elaigwu (1993) the polarization of the political parties and a general winner takes all mentality of the victorious National Party of Nigeria (NPN). These factors led to the demise of the second republic.
        In spite of the military involvement in the prolonged democracy dilemma in Nigeria, it supervised one of the freest, fairest and de-ethicized elections in the history of Nigeria. This was the June 12 1993 presidential elections that would have ushered in the third republic which was aborted due to intransigence of the Nigeria military under general Babangida. The June 12 election is significant not just because of the crisis following its annulment but in the sense that it was a clear watershed in the history of politics and elections in Nigeria. Hence, for the first time in Nigeria socio-political history a political contestant succeeded in bridging the ethnic gap in the country. Moshood Abiola who won the elections gamered formidable support to defeat his opponent even in the archetypical Hausa Fulani political bastion Kano. Abiola also found acceptance among the other major ethnic groups and a lot of the majority ethnic groups in spite of the fact that he was from the Yoruba ethnic stock.
        However, the progress that this victory meant to Nigeria’s nationhood project was truncated by apparent ethnic considerations. To this end, the eventual annulment of that election and the shift of power of the North. The total rejection of the decision of the Babangida Janita to over-rule the popular decision of the people by the citizens of Nigeria led to the enormous crisis culminating in the stepping aside of Babangida.


REFERENCES
Sociological Perspectives. Ethnic Development Prof. S.Y Olusola.
Information on Ethnicity and Political Development in Nigeria google.com


CHAPTER THREE
PRESENTATION AND ANALYSIS OF DATA AND SUMMARY OF MAJOR FINDINGS
3.1 THE IMPACT OF ETHNICITY ON POLITICAL DEVELOPMENT IN NIGERIA’S 4TH REPUBLIC TILL DAY AND DATA ANALYSIS
        In an attempt to understanding the nature of the relationship between political development and system performance, one is better able to appreciate means by which progressive political changes might be brought about. This is particularly relevant because many political scientific engaged in locating the condition on which stable democratic government can be realized. Basically as was earlier mentioned in chapter one of this research work, the most importance or the paramount importance of political development is the capability to create a system that would offer solution or aid the studies and analysis of the interaction between the political system and ethnic groups.
        As an analytical abstraction, we are able to abstract information from the large society about the knowledge, feeling and evaluation of people to their politics. The concept of political development helps to explain why broadly similar phenomenon across nation produce dissimilar consequence.
3.2 THE IMPACT OF ETHNICITY ON POLITICAL DEVELOPMENT 4TH TILL DATE
        The major concern here is to present evidence and facts which were collected and analyzed according to accepted commons of scientific research which will enhance our ability to make more precise characterization of ethnic groups reactions to politics and also increase. The possibilities of making more genuine cross-national comparisons across political system or government.
        This history of political development dates back as it started with these documentation of the early elites who came in contact with so many development countries. The explorers however was that their usefulness depended upon the degree the particular explorer had on the ethnic groups he was studying such that two elites can travel to the same place but have different accounts. There were also some undisclosed influences, such as social prejudices on their conting an example is the record of the colonial explorers about Nigeria and Africa in general. This political development is as old as man itself. Duning the outset of the behavioural movement in political science, the focus of analysis tended to become the Sigel Act. But in the desire of political basis ‘who get what when and how which is power, there was a danger of ignoring the political community as a collective entity. There was the need then to develop means of rating individual politics and actions to the social aggregate. It is because of this need that the modern sense of the concept of political development was adopted from political science, for example, in studying the origins of a political society through the ideas embedded in the political development process, it becomes necessary to treat both the historical development of a society as a whole and the life experience of the individual who eventually embody the power of the society. From historical study of the evaluation of the institution and values of political development and from studying political socialization process through when ethnic groups are inducted into the politics, it can be seen how these institutions as members of the society fed. This specific relationship between private individual socialization and the operation of public institution provide insight into community and changes in all societies.

3.3 DATA ANALYSIS AND SUMMARY OF MAJOR FINDINGS
        This section is designed to analyze the result of the major findings. It deal exclusively with the analysis and interpretation of data collected and used to test the various research question postulated for this study. Simple numbers were used and the question were discussed. The following are the statistical representation on the view of respondents towards the research problem. All variable used here will be represented appropriately using simple numbers.
        Now the situation appears to have considerably improved since 1999 as a result of several steps taken by federal government. These steps are federal character, rotational presidency, quota system and so on.
Table 1: Showing post primary institutions in some selected states across the federation North, South, East and West as at December 2010
s/n
States
Number of school
2006 population
1
Akwa Ibom
238
2.4
2
Anambra
264
5.9
3
Bauchi
124
2.3
4
Edo/Delta
494
4.7
5
Benue
290
2.8
6
Bornu
97
4.0
7
Cross River
113
1.9
8
Plateau
112
3.6
9
Imo/Abia
144
4.8
10
Kano/Jigawa
203
4.8
11
Kaduna
109
3.9
12
Katsina
104
3.9
13
Kwara/Kogi
343
3.7
14
Lagos
329
5.7
15
Niger
150
2.3
16
Ogun
257
2.3
17
Ondo
362
3.9
18
Oyo/Osun
627
5.8
19
Kebbi
239
3.3
20
Sokoto
151
6.5
21
Rivers
126
3.9
22
Abuja (FCT)
27
0.4
        The above table is not from federal ministry of education called from Tell Magazine. From the table we are meant to understand that the northern states have far less post primary institutions than their southern counterparts, the only state in the south comparable to most of the northern states in number of post primary institution is Cross River State. This is a case of inequality.
Table 2: Showing admission into universities 2009/2013
States
Application admission 2009/2010
Application admission 2010/2011
Application admission 2011/2012
Application admission 2012/2013
Delta/Edo
22,251/6,970
61,780/8,756
55,750/81,542
73.137/9866
Abia/Imo
29,281/4,917
53,982/7,409
49,156/8,009
60,957/8,908
Anambra/Engu
29,281/4,917
43,443/607
49,156/8,009
60,957/8,908
Oyo/Osun
36,683/5037
44,098/5,692
33,986/4139
45,281/6,476
Ondo
22,546/2810
30027/4194
26,048/3,967
33,299/4871
Ogun
22,086/4147
30748/3781
28,733/3,465
22,441/4462
Kwara/Kogi
18,152/2746
21599/3989
21573/3989
22299/3633
Rivers
13969/2686
21811/240
4,820/3932
25391/6536
Lagos
1417/2936
1552/2,247
16,820/2,182
18,290/2839
Akwa Ibom
10,068/1334
158631/1828
13,583/1380
16,713/1538
Kano/Jigawa
3,196/861
5,811/1334
5,130/1278
4,804/1,244
Plateau
4151/842
5860/1324
5490/4154
4982/16161
Cross River
5574/972
895/11086
7490/1077
8343/1,171
Kaduna
4607/707
4,541/1,105
3643/804
3,299/702
Adamawa/Taraba
2944/541
3,807/1128
3811/912
3728/857
Borno/Yobe
2628/460
3436/1130
3121/783
2891/697
Niger
2870/573
3542/4032
3121/783
2891/697
Sokoto/Kebbi
2437/487
842/185
2349/865
4288/917
Bauchi
2033/366
2621/717
2980/716
2578/478
Katsina
1900/1550
6,456/13961
1,303/349
6,065/295
Source: Joint Admission and Matriculation Board (J.A.M.B) collected from Tell Magazine
        The analysis of the above table shows that the southern states with most post primary institution dominate in the number of application and admission into the university, which implies that the number of application and admission into the university has a bearing on the number of post primary institution in the states of the federation.
        Whatever might be the history of educational inequality in Nigeria, the consequences are too serious to contemplate, while the states that are favoured may betray the north in order to consolidate and enhance their own achievements, the dements northern sate feel betrayed and marginalized.
3.4 POLITICAL POINTER SHARING
        Max Weber maintained that power refers to the ability of a man or men to realize their own will in a communal action even against resistance of others who are participating in the act. Those who succumb to the welders of power may do so on account of fear rational calculation of merits, lack of energy to do otherwise, loyal devotion indifference and other individual motives.
        Political power is usually exercised by the state and all those charged with the responsibility to do so, this include the executive, legislature, judiciary the aimed forces and the police. This shows that those who exercise power have dominion over life and death of others within their territories. In Nigeria’s inequality in power distribution has remained the bane of our national unity and integration since independence. The census the Niger Delta militants’ crisis and other emerging crisis. From the general election of 1964 are both attempts by some sections of the country to dominate others or to deny their power sharing. One of the most controversial issues between major ethnic groups is the monopoly of power by the north. Out of the 54 years of political independence they have been in power for 31 years. In reaction to demands by politicians and delegates at the constitution conferences for ‘rotational presidency’ Alhaji Mantama Sule, a one time presidential aspirant, was quoted as saying everyone has a gift from God. The northern were endowed by God with leadership qualities, the Yoruba man know how to earn a living and has diplomatic qualities, while the Igbo is gifted in commerce trade and technological motivation. God so crated us individually for a purpose and with different gifts. Tell magazine.
        This position represent the views of the core northern politicians against the demands by the south for a break in the north’s monopoly of power. Today, distribution issue cover a wide range of areas including revenue, allocating certain projects, federal governments projects (roads, airports, railways and so on) political power/political appointments) state and local government creation as well as membership of the public service, the armed forces and police these are some of the important and sensitive issues which the political class can easily use to mobilize supports from their communal and ethnic groups and which therefore must be seriously addressed in the interest of justice and fair play.
REFERENCES
Tell Magazine (History of Politics) 2007.
Tell Magazine (Politics and State) 2009.
Tell Magazine (Maxism and Politics) New York Oxford University Press 1947 p 161.
Tell Magazine (Politics and State) Lagos November 10 2011).
CHAPTER FOUR
SUMMARY, CONCLUSION AND RECOMMENDATION
5.1 SUMMARY
        It is worthy to note or state from the outset that Nigeria have attempted to build a modern nation for more than five decades since her independence, but with limited success. Probably, Ejiofor said that ‘the effort for the monstrous took which faced Nigeria since the inauguration of her territory and people as a nation’ have been the coming together of over one hundred different cultural and ethnic groups into one national and political cultural entity, the reconlation of hardened ethnic and parochial calvimsts. The elimination of ethnicity as a chief pilot of Nigeria politics, the harmonization of the political loyalties of people from different socio-economic classes in such a way that new unity can share aspiration, efforts and dividends to the satisfaction of the majority of Nigerians.
        This state of affairs led to the collapse of Nigeria’s first republic. A great number of the politicians and others in the public circle were known to be corrupt, ostentatious and selfish. Bribery and nepotism were the order of the day. There was widespread wordinate ambition for power and eil nrrored in the prevalence of thuggery, hooliganism and lawlessness.
        To win power or keep themselves in power, public men has sworn inhealthy rivalry suspicious and mistrust among the various communities in the country. Thus the unabashed rigging of the western election came to the last straw. The widespread violence which is precipitated took thousands of lives. Law and order broked own in the western region. Since each of the other region had kron interest, it was obvious that the country was on the bank of civil war. Well meaning scholars have tried a number of times to highlight the basic source of the problem that faces the country. Among them is Dr. A.M Nwawsu. According to him the cure of electoral problem in Nigeria does not lie in the absence of formal institutional structures which combine in various ways not only to manipulate the electoral processes but significantly determine the voting patter. These legitimated political authorities rather than issue party programmes, past performance and ideologies to influence the voting decisions of majority of Nigerian.
        As we have noted earlier, legitimated authorities like ethnic authorities, traditional authorities and personal authorities are among the most crucial in shaping Nigeria. For instance, an interview which K.W post held with some of the persons in the 1964 election read thus ‘it is the NCNC we shall vote for and I will vote for them. Another person interviewed stated thus’ I just intend to do what other of especially Igbo men are doing. Many a time I have seen people going to vote, but I have never voted before’. According to the public voted before. According to the public opinion in my area every grown up young men are expected to register for election.
        The above statement shows that an illiterate or typical Nigeria does not vote according to the dictate of his conscience but from the authoritative variables as K.W succinctly observed. There was little freedom of choice between candidates when one had the support of traditional authority. According to concord magazine, this goes to show that traditional societies such as the Hausa/Fulani enrg, the Yoruba Obas and Igbo Obis and Ezes have and often exact considerable influence on the voting behaviour of Nigerians. In the first republic, the Igbo saw Dr. Nnamid Azikiwe as their political messiah. While chief Awolowo was the charismatic leader of the Yoruba. Alhaji Admadu Bello was the political idol of Hausa/Fulani and even some of the minority ethnic groups had their own charismatic leaders.
        For instance J.S Tarka (late) and chief Eyo were the charismatic leader of the Tivs and Ibbios respectively.
        It is against this background that the view of a school of thought which explained the ethnic character of Nigeria politics in terms of economic class struggle has been upheld. This struggle is amedout at the control of the state apparatus which is then used to control everything. In the Nigeria state. The control or access to the state has become a major means of wealth accumulation, hence in the Nigeria context and in fact in mot third world countries participation in politics is quoted to business ventures. Consequently in their struggle for the control of the state, they exploit the traditional ethnic loyalty for individuals selfish ends. It is against this development that Nnoli pointed out that ethnicity in Africa in a class character understanding cannot be isolated from the general class struggle. In the society.
        In Nigeria politics, ethnicity manifest itself fin the inter class struggle among the petty bourgeois class. For the struggle among the ethnic groups for the control of the state are no less than the struggle for the control of the Nigeria economy. This lead to the collapse of the first republic.
        The phenomenon of ethnicity in Nigeria politics is an illwind. It is a social political vice, a morbid social condition indeed and a pathological tumor in the brain. The politicization of ethnicity in Nigeria has done more harm than good in Nigeria political system. The following are noticeable.
-      Absence of clear ideological direction and clarity which is very crucial for any nation’s development.
-      Over politicization of every issue, thus neglecting substantial issues of national development.
-      It leads to short sightedness in our development plan.
-      Ethnicity lead to identity crisis, that is to say it truncate the citizens sense of loyalty to the nation leading to the subordination of nations loyalty to ethnic loyalty.
-      It endangers the so called federal character syndrome, this leads to the enthronement of mediocrity rather than mentocrary. This also culminate in injustice and unfairness in promotion. The cumulative effect is idleness in office, for demented workers refuse to put in their maximum best.
-      Finally, the talk of national unity will remain an illusion so long as the politicization of ethnicity is allowed to continue.
In order to control ethnic influence on our body politics, the following points will be carefully noted and tried. It is by no means a panacea but it is my hope that this will moderate the economic struggle mystified by ethnic phenomenon and channel it towards the national course, that is transferring ethnic loyalty to nationalism. The pointed I have noted before is that ethnic struggle obscures the intense economic rivalry among tribal groups in Nigeria. The genesis of this struggle can be located in the introduction of money economy in Nigeria which forced people to settle in urban area in search for jobs. At this period, the colonial masters did not cater for the interest and well being of the citizens. So that mushroom tribal groups such as the Igbo union served as the economic and security sanctuary to the individuals, since the period, loyalty of the people and this socialization has continued to be inwardly directed.
Therefore, if the problem of ethnicity in our political system has its economic cause and life wire, then we shall review our economic life style. For if the national economy become so planned that the nation will take proper care of the welfare of its citizens both in life and death, the children of the aged people and so on. Then the morbid of transferring loyalty to primordial group will be minimized. This is because once a person is assured that the nation will cater for his children. In times of trials and tribulations, he will remain committed to the national cause on the basis of agreement. Max pointed out that the history of all is hitherto existing society is that of class struggle, it therefore stand to reason that if one wants to solve the problem of class struggle one must replan the economy (which is the basis for class struggle) and give it an equitable and four character to everybody that feds that his interest is being protected and that he gets is fair share of what is produced, then dissatisfaction and frustration and the concomitant aggressive tendencies will be minimized much in the same, if we stamp out ethnic rivalry from our political system, we shall our economy better than it is now so as to make it reassuring. Therefore it is my submission that equity and economic provisions, and security will make the problem of ethnicity a thing of the past.
Nigeria is not the first conglomerate society. Many countries of the world are like them. For instance, America is made up of many tribal groups but due to the fact that their economy is better planned and less anarchical has reduced intense economic struggle. Struggle among ethnicity. Therefore, I believe if Nigeria can adhere to these countries model of excellence in solving the problem of class struggle, the problem of ethnic struggle will be a thing of the past.
5.2 CONCLUSION
        Conclusively, the researcher has been able to establish the fact that lack of viable political groups create room for political instability. Therefore, bringing about fundamental dynamisms in ethnicity and political development in Nigeria. This has been a major objective of the various regimes and often involve the investment of massive resource. It is that the dynamics of social, economic and political development and delay will bring about different sates of changes in components of the ethnicity. What is interesting about the policies of Nigeria today is the explicit nature of the military effort to transform ethnicity. Even the recent democratic setting of our today companioned by the president cannot help matters because there is no total commitment.
5.3 RECOMMENDATION
        In view of the study carried out and the result obtained. The following recommendations have been made:
1.       In order to have effective change in political development, it has to be directed by the state through the secondary and formal agencies.
2.       There should be the internationalization of regime, approved norms and values which is salient in the strengthening of regime legitimacy in encouraging voluntary compliance it commends.
3.       There should exast the creation of fresh attitudes and adequate orientation which are necessary to support new institution and new forms of objectives.
The researcher is hoping that these recommendation will be given due consideration in the very near future for further scientific investigation for the benefit of mankind in the society.
REFERENCES
Rev. L.U Ejiofor Preface to Ideology Wiley Rose and Applessed Publishing Coy 2000 p/ 17.
 K.W.J Posti. The Nigeria Federal Election (London Oxford University Press 1963) p. 360.
Nnoli Okwudily (Ethnic Politics in Nigeria) Enugu fourth Dimension on publisher p. 86.
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