THE ROLE OF WOMEN IN NIGERIA’S DEMOCRATIC PROCESS:
A CASE STUDY OF ESAN SOUTH EAST LOCAL GOVERNMENT AREA OF EDO STATE.
ABSTRACT
The
primary objective of this research work is to document the situation and roles
of women’s political participation in Nigeria
But
it need to be stressed that women’s political rights and women’s right
generally and necessary aspects of any democratic framework. This chapter will
also look into the problem associated with the issues effecting women’s
political participation in
Title page
Certification
Dedication
Acknowledgement
Abstract
Table
of Contents
CHAPTER
ONE
Introduction
Brief Historical
Background of the study
Statement of the
problem
Objective of the
study
Methodology
Hypothesis
Scope of study
Theoretical framework
Conceptual
clarification
References
CHAPTER
TWO
Literature review
References
CHAPTER
THREE
Historical
overview of the challenges of women participation in Nigeria
Background
to Nigeria
The
pre-colonial era
The
colonial era
Post-colonial
era
2011
election. Ann Progress for women?
References
CHAPTER FOUR
Esan
south East Ubiaja ’s women participation in
political affair
Global
overview of women political participation
Findings
Conclusion
Recommendation
Bibliography.
CHAPTER ONE
INTRODUCTION
BRIEF HISTORICAL BACKGROUND OF
THE STUDY
In spite of the fact that around the
world today democracy has become the pillar upon which nations are building the
hope of attaining sustainable development, the definition of democracy remains
elusive politics through remains an integral part of democracy bearing the
traditional definition, which characterizes it as a male dominated and
excluding the women. But it needs to be stressed that women’s political right
remains and integral part of human right and women’s right generally are
necessary aspect of any democratic framework.
If the definition of democracy allows
for diversity opinion and participation and different groups, then it cannot
thrive by excluding women which effectively constitute half of the world’s
population and half of each and every single national population. The fact that
the constitutional is suppose to promote the evolution of the nation of the
democratic process is not in doubt, what seems debatable is whether the
democratic process can flourish in the current dispensation where
constitutional guarantees for women’s participation in politics are limited.
In Nigeria despite the significant role
of women’s before and after independence, the development of corresponding
economic and social and political power is still waiting.
The fact that the military rural for
years helped to institutionalize violation of humans rights that resulted in
very severe political, social and economic crisis. These anomalies impacted
negatively on the development of women’s rights, despite the many international
norms and institutions designed to advance the cause of women.
STATEMENT OF THE PROBLEM
Poverty, increased civil and religious
conflicts, insecurity of lives and properties have aided violence in Nigeria.
Social-cultural prejudices and
inadequate laws are also factors militating against the promotion of women’s
rights in Nigeria, the challenge of women’s have gained additional
significance. Since the return of democracy to Nigeria
The last election saw men taking over
with their male-dominated model of politics which often times have women with
the option of either rejecting politics altogether or rejecting male-style
politics. Women’s perception of politics as a dirty game and continued fright
at the thought of violence has further alienated them from main streams
politics.
In Nigeria, there seems to be no
critical visible agenda for women and an impacting agenda for women’s while
severally, emphasis is laid on women’s numerical strength, translating such
into the attainment of power has been difficult as women are perceived as
“supporters club, team of cheers and clappers” in contrast to their male
counterparts. Women’s aspiration to participate in governance is premised on
the following ground, that women in Nigeria represent half of the population
and hence should be allowed a pain share in decision making and the governance
of the country. Secondly that all human beings are equal and women posses the
saw rights to democratic governance and public life. The right to democratic
governance is an entitlement conferred upon all citizen by law.
The 1999 constitution by virtue of
section 40 states the following “every person, shall be entitled to assembly
freely and associated with other person, and in particular he may from or
belong to any political party, trade union or any other association for the
protection of his interests provided that the provisions of this section shall
not derogate from the powers conferred by this constitution on the Independence
National Electoral Commission with respect to political parties to which that
commission does not accord recognition section 42 of the same constitution
state further that a citizen of Nigeria of a particular community, ethnic
group, place of origin, sex, religion or political opinion shall not by reason
only that he is such a persons be subjected to any form of discrimination. This
further confirms that you can go to court to seek redress it as a woman your
franchise is violated and that the constitution as a whole prohibits
discrimination on the basis of sex. The constitution as state: SYY
1.
Support to the provisions of this
constitution, every senatorial district or federal constituency established in
accordance with the provisions of this part of this chapter shall return a
member who shall be directly elected to the senate or the House of
representatives in such manner as may be prescribed by an act of the National
Assembly.
2.
Every citizen of Nigeria , who has attained the age of eighteen
(18) years residing in Nigeria
From
the foregoing, it appears that there is nothing in the constitution, which
represents the participations of women in politics in Nigeria. When it come to
actual practices, there is extensive discrimination. Among the factors
affecting women participation in politics in Nigeria are, gender and cultural
patterned ideology, pre-determined social roles assigned to women and men, male
dominance and control, women’s lack of confidence to men for election, the way
in which women are portrayed in the mass media and women’s perception of
politics as a dirty game. Others are lack of funds and resources, poverty and unemployment,
illiteracy and limited access to education, the dual burden of funds and
resources, the dual burden of domestic task and professional obligation,
ignorance, lack of confidence in other women, lack of access to information and
effects of violence against women. Most, it not all of their factors came into
play in the Nigeria 2011 election. The [arties programs and manifestos outcomes
of the position of women Nigeria
This
has happened despite the enlargement of the political space in Nigeria that
should have created more opportunities for the participation of women in
politics it has come imperative to determine the capacity of women to manage
incidence of political because an equal society needs gender balancing in order
to maximize it’s development requires that attitudes beliefs and customs must
change.
In
Nigeria and all over the world, this remains a challenge for women and this
constitutes the essence of this project work.
OBJECTIVE OF THE STUDY
In understanding to conduct and document
a “GENDER AUDIT OF THE 2011 ELECTION” Therefore, this project shall cover and
achieve the following objectives.
1.
To take sock, after several years
of democracy of the situation of women’s in politics compared to previous
elections.
2.
To critically analyze the
structures and policies of political parties and the election process in
respect of equal opportunities/affirmative action for women.
3.
To recommend to political parties
new strategies and policies that will facilitate active political participation
of women.
METHODOLOGY
This research offer’s a unique
opportunity for the Nigeria people in general and women in particular to be
heard in a global forum, coming as it does under a democratically elected
government after many years of military dictatorship.
1.
With this project work taking up
the challenge of addressing the country’s extensive and pervasive
marginalization of women, this is going to be an exploratory research focusing
on literature assessments and interview schedules purposively conducted with some
elected key information in Benin-City and Esan South East.
2.
These key informants are
politicians, professionals the dominant political parties. To achieve the
objective of the study, the following methods will be adopted. Data will be
gathered via primary and secondary sources. This bourers on the analysis of the
existing literatures on the topic. Information will also be gathered from
published books. Journals, articles, pamphlets magazines, other secondary
information sources include consultation from past research work, seminar and
internet sources e.t.c.
HYPOTHESIS
The following hypothesis is represented
and will be tested for validity and reliability
1.
Possible reasons for poor women
showing in politics in Nigeria.
2.
The slow movement forward and
possible strategies and their efficacy to accelerate the movement.
3.
This work through basic, will
show little data collection, documentation and analyst of a very important
component of democracy and good governance.
Affirmative
action principles of women’s political participation and it’s implementations.
SCOPE OF STUDY
This research work will attempt to
examine “issues in women political participation in Nigeria Politics” it will
focus mostly on women and politics in Nigeria.
THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK
For this purpose of this work, it will
be idea and suitable to use the game theory as political analysis originated
from the work of Joen Von Neumana Osca Morgaistern in early 1950s.
Game theory help us to clarify
theoretical thoughts, about available and alternative choices, suggest novel
possibilities and guides us to a deeper and more powerful usefully to brought
into play.
It should be born in mind that conflict
in the parlance of social science presuppose a kind of contest, which is
considerably incompatible. The game theory is a method of decision making a
conflict situation base on abstract form of reasoning.
1.
Zero-Sum game theory
2.
Non-zero sum game theory
The
zero sum game theory is further divided into pure zero sum game and
N-person-non zero sum game theory.
In
terms of zero sum game theory, it is a B Loses, just and it is in the game of
chess. Each year ends with one player having a score of plus one (+1) and the
other, minus one (-1). Therefore, women in politics arises a particular gender
free unimportant. However, for proper understanding, the Nigeria general
election of 2011 could be used.
During
the election no political party had plans for women. On the other hand, the
non-zero sum game is not exclusively competitive to the extent that what one
gains, the other loses. In this type of game, there is an element of conflict
and co-operation. In some cases both gender might participate or he represented
at the same level with equal margin, but not participating as to leave the
effort of the other gender to zero.
This
is because there is a reasonable understanding gains co-operatively in the
interest of bour genders. This is purely contrary to the working principle of
the zero sum game theory, where both genders are stiffly at each other throat,
with the intention of one gender, winning all advantage at stake.
This
is simply because there is no cooperation and understanding shown by either
gender at the elections.
However,
the zero sum game which is predicted on the selfish condition of winner take
all principle most aptly suits the analytical explanation of the research.
Hence,
it is said that in the game of strategy, there is conflict of interest as well
as impossible co-operation among political participant. In Nigeria politics
therefore, gender inequality cannot be ruled out as influence and money play
their roles in politics and appointments.
CONCEPTUAL CLARIFICATION
The essence of conflict clarification is
to guide the reader on what the researcher meant by specific concepts.
Therefore, serves as easy means of communication between the readers and the
researcher for the purpose of this work. The following concepts would be used
as defined below.
Political: With
references to the Collins concise Dictionary, political means of or relating to
government policy-making as distinguished from administration or law.
Participation: (n)
taking part, become actively involved or share (REF to the Collins Concise
Dictionary).
Politics: The
activities involved in getting and using power in public life and being able to
influence decisions that affects a country or society.
Democracy: It
is a government by persons freely chosen or responsible to governed.
Affirmative: (1)
True; confirming or asserting that something is true, (2) indicating agreement
or giving assent. Encarta dictionaries 2010
Personality Politics: Persons,
attitudes and behaviours not ideas are often the bone of contention. As such,
to win party election one has to identify with certain personalities.
Rigging: A
permanent features of elections in Africa
which is often accompanied by violence, which most especially women, will
readily free from.
Cross Carpeting: This
entails a kind of mentoring a younger or newer politicians by the order one’s.
but in the Nigeria
END NOTES
Babatunde Olujo, A paper presented at a national
workshop on gender, politics and overcoming barriers to the emergence of women
political leader 2003
Ihonvbere, J.O. (2000). Towards a new
Constitutionalism in Africa .
Nkoyo, (2007): 2 “Women are looking for
empowerment” in community magazine CAPP Publication vol. 5, No. 1
Orji Nkwachuewku 2003, State and Emergence of
women political leaders in Nigeria, reflections of constrains and
opportunities.
Obi, R. (1998) “Women’s Participation at executive
level in trade unions in Nigeria Africa development xxiii (314).
The 1999 constitution of the Federal Republic of
Nigeria.
Ibid.
The Collins Concise English Dictionary.
CHAPTER TWO
LITERATURE REVIEW
This literature review will critically
examine the obstacles (impediments) on women’s participation in politics.
Although it can be argued that both colonialism, culture and protracted
military rule contributed largely to the showering of women’s participation in
politics, the polity in Nigeria does not seem to be moving away from one that
deliberately frustrate women. Okeke Anya argues that “colonialism, feudalism,
imported religions, patriarchy and military rule destroyed the spirit of
heroism, patriotic radicalism and progressive vibrancy of Nigerian womanhood in
the struggles women rights, women development and national development.
Colonialism, according to Anya
discriminated against women in all sphere of life property acquisition,
commerce, corporate management, access to (bank) credit etc.
Feudalism also suppressed women’s
interest and values. This is his view was further assisted by the imported
religious, which preached total subjugation of women to men, therefore
confining their role to the kitchen and making babies their setting, which took
place in June 2002, provides vivid examples of how an inspiring political
thrust by women could be rendered useless by prohibitive cultural factors.
The women of Urhobo, an Itsekiri
homestead located on the Escravos River in Delta State decided that they have
had enough of insult from the exploitation by the oil companies. In a swift
political responses, the women organization mobilized their folk in neighboring
communities of Madangho, Ogidigben and other to take over the nearby expansive
chevron/texace oil platform that morning.
The move by the Itsekiri women evoked
reminiscences of the 1929 Aba women’s protest and the revolt of the 1947 Egba
women. Galvanized by the Abeokuta
The women had taken the nation by storm
and opened a new whole debate about the debilitating living conditions in the
oil rich Niger Delta region of Nigerian responsible for providing a great chunk
of the country’s resources. At the end of the woman’s struggle which attracted
a lot of understanding with the community, opening the flood gates for more
jobs, scholarship grants and other mouth watering benefits for the people.
Unfortunately this significant move
could not be consummated for political leadership. Although the women of Urhobo
did not embark on this action women folk, the negotiation and ideals that took
place thereafter have been largely expropriate and hijacked by the elders and
leaders of the youth organization, who are mostly men. In the fact of mounting
pressure by the women, now buoyed by their onslaught on the chevron/Texaco.
Tank form to take frontline roles in the society, the man resorted to blackmail
by asking the women to come along to the communities ancestral shrine if they
bad the guts. Since only men are allowed to visit the shrine, the women bravado
had to be sacrificed on the altar of cultural imperatives that is not gender
sensitive.
According to Victor Omunu, secretary of
the Ugborodo Youth Development Association (NYDA)4 “When the women
started clamouring to the represented in different levels of community
organization, the men retorted and said, then you must also follows us to the
shrine.
Since it was hereby for women to go to
the shrine, they had to back off”. It is also the view that the male dominated
military state reflected the larger values of Nigerian society in patriarchal
context and norms. Such norms and values rendered women’s struggle to engender
politics an uphill and complicated task, as the “opponents” to the gender
agenda tended to be in the most dominant institutions of power. In several
societies in Nigeria, prevalent culture seems to have conspired with
colonialism and military rule in a “trinity of evil” to hold back the thrust of
women in politics.
Women are usually called upon in almost
every struggle to fight for freedom, change and democracy. The biggest hurdle
against the participation of women in politics is the increasing monetization
of political contest in Nigeria
The centre for development,
constitutionalism and peace advocacy in the report prepared by wisdom Dureke,
put it this way, over investment in the country, it is the true poverty
eradication project. It gives the contractor politicians access to our common
wealth for looking. So these contractors want their candidates and their
parties to win at all cost.
The truth of the matter is that many
political parties in the country consider female candidacy a risk on the ground
that female politicians are not usually keen on doing violence. Politician
violence, we must acknowledge has remain done of the best strategies for
politicians in the country for electoral victories. Otherwise, how can you
explain the increasing incidence of political violence in the country today.
Candidates and political parties in different guises recruit things and show
them off. In the South East of Nigeria
The big power brokers even have the
temerity to let loose their thus on senior state officials who administer only
at their behest. The abduction of Anambra State Governor, Dr. Chris Ngige by
thugs and hired society outfit led by assistant Inspector General of Police,
Mr. Raphael Ige, who was alleged to be acting under the instigation of money
bag and power broker, Chris Uba is a relevant example.
Igeyinwa Ofong isolated three issues
militator against the full participation of women in politics in Nigeria.
Those according to her include culture,
economic empowerment and persistence and aggressiveness. She argues that the
traditional Nigerian attitude, belief and norm says that a woman should stay at
home and care for the children. She is not expected to participate in politics,
which is regarded as a male subject/occupation. This cultural limitation has
further constrained the full participation of women in politics. The few women
that have dared to seek for elective positions in their political parties have
been booed and rigged out by their male counterparts and not likely to receive
positive reinforcement from their society for participants in politics. The
brand of politics being practiced in Nigeria has not helped the matters, as a
political aspirant would recruit the services by thugs, praise singers and
bodyguards.
If politics were to be a game of share
numbers in Nigeria
However, we know that those who control
the economy of the state also control the politics. Thus those who control
state resources and are handicapped financially to fund the Nigeria brand of
politics, she says that due to the constraining influence stated above, some of
the women who have been involved in politics do not last long in the game.
Those not able to stand the duty of the men bow out.
Ofong says they lack the spirit of
persistence and give up easily. Some claim they do not want their image
tarnished or called names just because of politics. Some are easily “settled”
out of the race with little promises out of the political race. But success in
electoral politics in Nigeria according to her is associated with
aggressiveness and dominance. Women in their relationship with men. These same
characteristics that are however exemplified by male are rewarded in politics.
Bolaji Adabiyi on his part isolated certain socio stereotypes arising from age
long cultural beliefs which have hundred women’s access to politics. He says
Most political activities of consequence
occur at night and as such places as hostels and even social clubs. A lot of
people including women would find it irresponsible for women to be outside her
home at that time of the day or in such “ungodly” places.
Let us look at the other dimensions.
The drawback of many women is that what
ever happens in the domestic arena is translated to what is generally perceived
as the public space. Chairman Pereira contends that the citizenship crisis
besetting the country negates women’s foray in politics.
According to her,
Women who have successfully contested
and won entry into politics have been faced with concerted public denial of
their right to contest in states in which their husbands where indigenes as
much as it has applied to women who contested in states where their fathers
were indigenes. The contradiction faced by married women in public life,
undermine the notion that citizenship is primarily about the relations between
individuals and the state male contestants generally do not have their
citizenship questioned on marital grounds contending that the Nigerian
constitution is discriminatory and fails to protect women from such unfair
practices, Pereira identifies the first culprit as it is language.
She says.
The use exclusively masculine language
implies that en norm is masculine and therefore the women are not full citizen
by registration is conferred only on Nigerian men. While 26.2a provides for
Nigerian for confer citizenship by registration to their non Nigerian women.
Thirdly, marriage confers adulthood on
women, which is not applicable to men. The provisions of section 29.1 states
that any citizen of full age who wishes to renounce their citizenship can do
so. Section 2a.4b also states that married women are considered to be adults of
full age. There provisions are injurious to women according to Pereira
Pereira says,
Women are likely to be criminalized in
circumstance involving sexual relations Muslim men have succeeded in using
provisions intended to protect woman, in pursuit of the criminalization of
certain categories of Muslim women. It will be necessary to look at the reasons
why the political landscape in Nigeria is chocked full with the history of male
dominant parties.
The first observation is that this is
largely underscored by the Patriarchal nature of the Nigerian society, men are
perceived as superior to women linage in therefore traced to them.
According to Okeke Anya.
Rulership from this perspective is also
seem as a male affair. This thus gives room for what has been termed masculine
model of politics. In this system, men dominate the political arena: man
formulate the rule of the game: and men define the standards of evaluation. The
existence of this male-dominate model, result in their women rejecting politics
altogether or rejecting male style politics. Most of the political parties have
no definite policy on women. They prefer to relegated women and use them only
as supporters in the male dominated parties. Women continue to play “cheer leader”
role for male dominated political actors. Party officials would rather share
uniforms and flags to women than engage them in activities that will uplift
their political status. Thus comes to question the power of the so-called women
leaders of the political parties. Religion and cultural practices inherent in
our society is also culpable in making fiddlesticks of women’s intervention in
politics.
Most of these practices confine women to
the background. Even when they seized the initiative to hijack the front row as
the case in Urhobo, cultural practices still acted as a break. Anya says, the
greatest danger to this practice is the internalization of these belief
systems, which makes women see politics as something out of their sphere.
Women that go into politics are seen as
rebels and prostitutes. The stereotypical attitude defers women from
participation in politics. For instance, Hajia Gambo Sawaba, leader of the
women’s wing of the radical learning Northern Elements Progressive Union (NEPU)
was virtually demonized and criminalized, for daring to galvanize that tend to
discriminate against women. The rise in the role of money or what is derisively
(admiringly) called Ghana must go in the politics of the country is a setback
for women’s participation in politics.
Although some political parties gave
waiver for female aspirants in the payment of nomination fees, this was like a
tiny drop in the ocean as huge resources is still required to transport and
entertain supporters, hire thugs and bribe party and security officials
frustrated by the antics of the male dominated parties, some women resorted to
crystallizing women only parties. Even when the women have formed their own
parties, their resilience in foregoing ahead with this gender based political
organizations ha not been sustained. For women aggrandizement in the country
formed a party, the common people’s party.
There was later the formation of a
women’s anger with the Nigerian Youth Movement (NYM), then the country’s only
political party led by Mrs. Oyinkan Abayomi, the party also get emmushed neumba
argues that.
Despite its name, the women’s party was
never organized as an active political party seeking to obtain representation
in government. It did contest the Lagos
It is not friendly to women who have to
nurse their babies. It is also not friendly to those whose have to held their
children with their homework.
Teju Abiola Relives her experience.
Most aims when I come home in the wee
hours of night, my children are asleep. It was really not fun for me.
I wonder whether if my husband were
alive he would have tolerated my being out at that time of the night. Perhaps
that is why those making it is politics in Mrs. Abiola’s view are either
widows, divorce single parents or those women whose children who are already
grown up. Conductively, on literature review that dealt critically on the
obstacles of women’s participation in politics in Nigeria, it would be
necessary to say that in conformity with the principle of federal character,
women must be assisted to gain greater control over economic resources through
special scheme and enhance the representation in public office through constitutional
and legislative reforms that favours affirmative action.
Nongovernmental organization (NGOs)
should intensify their social advocacy towards changing negative attitudes and
wrong perception of women in public life or leadership position. They should
also be unrelenting tint her bid for legal reforms especially aimed at removing
all taxes of discrimination against women in all spheres of life.
END NOTES
Adebiyi, Bolaji, Women and the 2003 election
prospect and challenges pg 16.
Anya, Okeke, Women and Politics in Nigeria
Anya Okeke, Women and Politics in Nigeria’s fourth
republic in the Constitution: A journal of constitutional development. (Centre
for constitutionalism and demilitarization).
Democracy in Nigeria: Continuing dialogue(s) for
democracy and electoral Assistance IDEA 2001. Centre for development,
constitutionalism and peace advocacy.
Encarta Premium Dictionary (2009 DVD Version). P.
1.
Geddes and Grosset: Dictionary of quotations
(David Dale House, New Lanark ML 119DJ Scotland, 1994) page 12.
(GADA) Interview with Abiola, Teju
Mba, Nema ,
Nigeria
Interview with Adebiyi, Bolaji Assistant editor of
the Punch. 2002, pg. 7.
Interview Conducted by Gender and Development
Action (GADA).
Interviews with Akintude Aderaunu, Tolani
Onishi, Normitsu, as oil riches flow, poor village
crises out, the New York times December 22, 2002.
Ofong, Ifeyinwa, Women’s participation in politics
in Nigeria (a paper presented at the 8th international women’s world
congress in Kampale, Uganda, July 21-26, 2002).
Pereira, Chairman Understanding women’s experience
of citizenship in Nigeria: from democracy research.
Statement and Declaration at the National Summit
for all women Politicians held in Abuja 28, 2002 pg. 18.
Some appointments made by the Civilian government
at the Federal and State Level between May 29, 1999 up to the end of the term
in May 2003.
The Punch, Wednesday, November 19, 2003, pg. 6.
Women in Politics in Nigeria
CHAPTER THREE
HISTORICAL OVERVIEW OF THE
CHALLENGES OF WOMEN PARTICIPATION IN NIGERIA POLITICS (1914-2011)
BACKGROUND TO NIGERIA’S POLITY
Before Britain colonized, “pacified” and
carved out Nigeria in 1900s the area was occupied by some 250 different ethnic
groups and self governing kingdoms. Those kingdom were grouped together as two
protectorates- Northern and Southern in 1906. In 1914, Britain amalgamated the
two protectorates to form one country. That was when Nigeria as a political
entity came into being.
Colonial rule in Nigeria effectively
lasted from 1914 to 1960. In between those dates, there were quite a few
noteworthy events that would have a lasting impact on the trend of the country
development. One of such was the 1922 creation of legislative council with
limited African representation (of which there were no women). There was also
the formation of the first political party in 1923. The national council of Nigeria and Cameroon
Encouraged by the 1946 Richards
Constitution that seemed to support party formation, more political parties
soon came on board. There was the Action Group (AG) formed in 1948 that had is
base in Yoruba land.
It was an offshoot of the cultural
group, Egbe Omo Oduduwa. The Northern People Congress (NPC) came into being in
1951 and was also ethnically based. The N.P.C. came of the journey year. Based
in North2.
Later in 1951, another northern-based
party the Northern Elements Projective Union (NEPU) also came into existence.
In 1960, Nigeria got her independence
from Britain. The government was modeled after the British parliamentary
system. Under this system there was a ceremonial President and a parliament but
major government powers rested with the Prime Minister who was the leader of
the majority groups and headed to cabinet.
At the federal level, there was the
senate and the House of Representatives. Memberships of the Senate was by
nomination by the three regional governments. Each of the three regions
appointed 12 members to make up the 36-member senate. Membership of the 312
members deferral house of representatives was by election but seats were
apportioned by the regions based on population.
In each region-North, East and West,
there was the House of Assembly, a strong regional government and its cabinet.
The political arrangement soon had
difficulties that turned violent in the 1964/65 election season.
The upheaval was to provide the excuse
for the military incursion into the political arena in 1966. From then on
successive military regimes occupied the Nigeria political space until 1999,
except for a brief period of civilian rule that lasted from 1979 to 1983.
Altogether, there was six military
regimes that took over from one another through violent or place coups.
Eventually in May 1999, Nigeria returned
to civil democracy that is essentially still in transition.
The current system of government is
modeled after the presidential system with three arms- the executive, judiciary
and legislature.
At the federal level, there are two
levels chambers:
The senate and House of Representative
that make up the National Assembly. Each of the 36 states make up the federal
republic of Nigeria has a House of Assembly as the legislative arm each of the
774 local governments in the country also has a council of legislators whose
jobs, curiously seem to be merger of legislative and executive functions.
THE PRE-COLONIAL ERA
In the pre-colonial era many of the 250
ethnic groups that made up Nigeria were self-governing kingdoms. In most of
these kingdom and entities, women were hardly part of the communal decision
making bodies. However, some kingdoms and communities had dual political
systems that allowed women to participation in governance. That is, the women
decided the things that had to do with the women folk. In a few pre-colonial
societies, women even occupied revered political positions, leading men in
communal decisions-making and in warfare. In the pre-colonial communities with
dual political systems, women generally mobilized for their and their families
welfare. The leaders of the women usually got their position of authority and
influence on merits. They could articulate the views of women and had the
financial where withal to maintain their status.
Among
these were the Iyabode, Lobum, arise of the Yoruba, the Omu of Onitsha and
western Igbo. Women also had strong and powerful associations through which
they organized and acted politically. The associations enabled them to put up a
united front to express approval or disappoint to political situations.
Among the Igbo, there was also the
institution of the Umu-Ada, the eldest daughters of the village whose main role
was space-making in the community.
The Umu-Ada was usually feared because
they often used their enormous powers to intimidate family members,
particularly the wives.
THE COLONIAL ERA
The colonial era that asserted in the
1900’s drastically changed the political set up. Along with the abolition of
the kingdom, the colonial government largely eroded the dual political systems.
In the Kingdom where there were women Chiefs, they cost their power bases and
were no longer reckoned with in the decision of and power the colonial
authorities ignored women.
The British Authorities did not consider
women in their appointments of local staff to run the colonial government. Even
in markets where women where used in wielding power in the allocation of stall,
and the imposition of levies, the government appointment men to take charge.
The sidelining of women during the colonial era was behind the earliest mass
protest government by women in eastern Nigeria, the Nwa Obiala movement in
1925. The protest eventually culminated in 1929 women’s wars, (also known as
the Aba riots).
The
women’s war was both a political and economic protest against the colonial
authorities.
The women’s grievances included a
planned taxation programme and the population census being conducted by the
British authorities. In western Nigeria in 1946, the Abeokuta women’s union led
by Fumilayo Ransome Kuti, also protested because of taxation and the inherent
high handedness in taking away the powers women had over the markets women in
Lagos also had their fair share of protests during the same period, although in
contrast to most other places in Nigeria, market women in Lagos retained charge
of the administration of their market associations took sides in politics and
other related matter in the government. Between 1927 and 1941, the Lagos market
women organized several (but eventually abortive) protests to ensure that women
were not taxed. A major highlight in the political development of women during
the colonial era was the formation of a women’s party in 1944. Spearheaded by
Onyinka Abayomi, the party was exclusively for women and had apparently been
formed out of the frustrations the women felt with their lack of headway in
them only political party the Nigeria Youth movement (N.Y.M).
Howere
Mba noted that,
Despite
it’s name, the woman’s party was never organized as an active political party
seeking to obtain representation in government it did contest the Lagos
Town
Council election in 1950 but that was it’s only attempt to seek political
power. It have a political programme as such as but it’s leaders shared certain
definite political view as which were to lead them to support another political
party the action group at a later stage. When other political parties came on
board the NCNC in 1944, the AG in 1948 and the NPC in 1951. Women resorted to
forming women’s wings of the parties.
In general, the parties related with
women though the women associations. However, some women stood on their own
merit as party members and won party elections it to attend conventions in
dependent of the women’s Association.
Some of the women who achieved such feat
included Margaret Ekpo, Henrietta Lawson, Mrs. Keziah Fashina and Mrs. Mary
Ededen 10-all four of the NCNC. Ekpo was also later nominated to the eastern
house of Assembly in 1953. The structure of the Age did not give room for women
to make much individual achievement sin tenures of elections with party. In
1951 however the Ag proposed the appointment of a non-partisan woman, Remi
Aiyedum into the western house of assembly in 1953.
Later in 1955, Oyinkan Abayemi also
joined her in the western House Assembly. On the other hand, the NPC was
opposed to the participation of women in political activities.
One of the assignment the women’s party
had given itself was canvassing for the franchise for women. Subsequent women’s
organizations during the colonial era also had the attainment of franchise for
women at the top of their agenda. For instance, the Nigerian women’s union, the
federation of Nigeria and women’s societies and the women’s movement and
pressured for women to get the pressured for women to get the vote. Both the
NCNC and the Aga were equally committed to the enfranchisement of women, it
insisted on the enumeration of women, in their region and on seats in the
federal parliament being apportioned to the regions based on the total population
rather than the number of voters. In other words, as policy dudly observed. The
North was prepared to argue that representation be based on the principle of
each to count for one and no one to count for more than one (but) it did not
apply that principle to the adult community in the north itself, women were
still denied the vote. On the principle that NPC was expounding, representation
at apportionment should have been on the eligible voting population and not on
the total population. The N.P.C would then have been forced either to franchise
women or accept that the North’s representational quotable halved. In a manner
of speaking the NPC-North ate it’s cake and still had it. In spite of the
North’s refusal to enfranchise its women it still got seats after the 1959
federal election based on the total number of population out of 312 member seat
of the federal legislature, the North got 174, Nigerian women in other part of
the country had won the vote having been enfranchised in stage through the 50’s
(women in the north were not to get the vote until some two decades late in
1978). Apart from the denial of franchise women attempted any political
activism in the north were subjected to untold harassment and branded
“prostitutes” that applied to both southern born women residing in the North as
well as their northern sisters who belonged to together parties. (Since NPC
would not have women participate in their activities, anyway). Many of such
harassed women in the north show great courage. A classic example is Mallam
Gambo Sawaba the leader of the women’s wing of the Northern Element Progressive
Union (NEPU) who was once kidnapped, beaten and imprisoned several times.
She was once deported from Kano but in
all of that she kept faith with the political struggle. Along with the men,
women clamoured for Nigeria’s independence. Two women-Margaret Ekpo and Ekpo
young were among the delegation that attended some of the constitutional
conferences between British officials and Nigerian delegates in 1953 and 1958 in
London to prepare for Nigeria’s independence. Young attend only in 1958 and
both she and Ekpo who was in the two meeting attended to conferences only as
advisers. They therefore had no chance to speak officially during the meetings.
POST-COLONIAL ERA
At the point of independence in 1960,
the 36 member Senate had only one woman Mrs. Wuraola Esan nominated by western
region. The 312 member House of Representatives had no women among them. The
Federal Cabinet also had no women minister in their cabinets. In the 1961
general elections, two women-Mrs. Margaret Ekpo and Janet Mokehu Owu eats into the
eastern house of assembly. A third woman, Ekpo young also won through a buy
election into the eastern house in 1963. Women also fared a little better at
the local government level with many of them being appointed or elected in
local councils. In 1964, another woman, Benice Kerry joined Esan at the senate.
The newly created and mid-western region
nominated Kerry. It needs to be said that Esan was noted to have given an
excellent account of herself in the Senate through her numerous contributions
and activism especially with issues that had to do with women’s rights.
Meanwhile, there were disputations and violence following the 1964 elections.
Things degenerated to very intolerable levels and seemed to have provided the
excuse for the first military incursion into Nigerian politics in January 1966.
There was a counter military coup in
July 1966. The violence and killings that followed culminated it he Nigeria
evil war, which lasted from 1967 to 1970. Apart from bringing untold human
suffering and abuse of women especially on the “Biafran side, the war further
diminished women’s political space. The military continued in power at the end
of the war in 1970. Altogether, there are six military regimes in Nigeria which
lasted from 1966 to 1999 and it was only a four year civilian government
interrogation in between 1979 and 1983.
The military occupation of the political
space was not helpful to the political development of women. For one thing
there were very few women in the military but even those who belonged to
service sectors such as nursing.
In other words, women were not highly
placed enough to be in the decision making bodies of the military governments.
Even when the first military regime in 1966 involved among them.
The second military regimes (July
1966-July 1995) had Nigeria
But most disappointing, the third
military regime (1975-1979) did not consider any woman to be among the
50persons chosen to draft the constitution for the return of civil rule,
possibly in response to the criticism about the exclusion of women, five women
were appointed to the 250 member constituent assembly that reviewed the day
constitution. A major contribution by the five women was to insert a clause in
the constitution to make sex discrimination illegal, that clause also
automatically enfranchised the women in Northern part of Nigeria in 1978.
When the loan on political activity was
lifted in 1979, some 52 political associations were two and would be women
parties.
Eventually, only five parties were
registered and none of the women parties was among them. During the elections
that ushered in civilian rule in 1979, a handful of women contested at various
levels except the presidency or gubernatorial seats of the 19 states. Four
(women) contested for seats in the 45member federal House of Representatives
only five got seat in the seat in the state houses of assembly. The civilian
government that was sworn in 1979 had three female federal minister and most
states had at least one female commissioner. As far as women were concerned a
most significant outcome of the next election ear in 1983 was that it produced
the first elected female member of the senate in Nigeria, in the person of
France Afegbua.
She was one out of the 45 members of the
senate. There tenure lasted only three months before the army struck again in December
1983. The fourth military regime (1983-85) treated women just like the earlier
one, each state appointed a taken one woman as commissioner. Beyond that women
were not in high decision making bodies. The fifth military regime (1985-93)
followed the same pattern, except for the visibility of the first lady, Maryam
Babangida who had a pet project, the Better life programme (BLP), which sought
to enhance the living conditions of rural dweller and women in particular. The
BLP and the fanfare associated with it gave women some visibility and its
beneficiaries enjoyed enhance economic power. The military promised held
preparatory local government and gubernatorial elections in 1990, women won
only 206 out of 1,297 local position nationwide and none made it to any of
(them 30) gubernatorial position. In the 1992 elections to the National
Assembly only one woman got into the 90member senate while 12 of them won seats
in the 638-members House of Representatives. During the 1993 Presidential
election primaries that were supposed to include the process, there was female
presidential aspiration was cut short when she could not produce the five
hundred thousand naira (N500,000)
required as a non-refundable deposit by the national electoral commission in
any case, after the election had been won and lost by the men, the military
government annulled the result 16 because it apparently did not want to hand
over power. That annulment took Nigeria to the bring-to get itself out of the
gaudery it creates, the military government appointed an interim government of
52 members among who was one woman, Otuba Bola Kuforiji-Ohubi. The interim
government instead only a few months, before another military regime the sixth
took power in November 1993. For women, the significant thing about this sixth
regime (1993-1998) was that the ministry of women affairs was created in
January, 1995 to more closely addresses issues to do with women. Also two women
Mobolaji Osome and Aala Adoguwere appointed into the federal executive as
minister and junior minister of establishment and agricultural respectively.
That was the highest appointment women had ever got in a military regime in
Nigeria. Regardless of that however, the sixth military head of state, General
Sani Abacha, to end that regime and start the country on a process of civilian
democracy again. Elections were held in 1998 and Nigerian returned to civil
democracy on May 29, 1999. In the elections, women did not fare much better
than in the past. As a result in the civilian government of 1999-2003, women
held less than three percent (3%) of elective positions. At the deferral level,
the president and vice president were both men. In the 109 member of Senate,
there were only three women and in the 360-member House of Representatives, there
were just 12women. Out of a total 44 ministers and Special Adviser, there were
9 women of the 36. States. There was no female governor of the 36deputy
governor of the 36 deputy governors, there were only one woman, Senator Kofo
Buchnor Akerele of the 36 speakers of the State House of Assembly, there was
only one woman, Grace Icheen of Benue State who was later forced to resign. The
36 state House of Assembly had a total member of 990 members, (that is an
average of 28 members each) out of which there were 12 women, meaning that most
of them do not have too female members because a shinning star. At the local
government level, women accounted for nine (9) out of 174 local government
chairman nationwide of the 8,810 local government councilors in nationwide,
there were 143 women. With the widening of the political space as evidenced by
the eventual registration of 30 parties for the 2003 elections, more women than
ever before vied for various positions. At the end of the primaries, two women
won their parties nominations as Presidential aspirants. These were Sarah
Jubril of Progressive Action Congress (PAC) and major Mojsole Obasanjo of the
masses movement of Nigeria (MMN). Two other women Hajia Mario Habib and Haija
Asman Mohammed of Justice Party and African renaissance party respectively won
vice-presidential party nomination. Another two women who the gubernatorial
nomination of their parties. For the positions of Deputy Governors in the
36states, five women got their parties nominations to various positions but
most of them were with the newer and non-so viable parties when the national
election were held and the results announced, the picture was not so great for
women. Thus at the federal level, the positions of President and Vice President
are still occupied by two men. The 109 member senate still has just three
females. However, there is an increase in the number of women in the lower
house. the 360-member house of Representatives now has 21 female members as
against 12 in the 1999-2003 tenure. At the federal cabinet level, women account
for six out of a total of 3 ministers and ten (10) out of 35 special advisers.
Also, compared to the last administration, women have been placed in more key
ministers and advisory positions. For the first time ever in Nigeria two women
Ngozi Okonjo Iweala and Esther Nenadi Usman are in charge of the finance
ministry and minister of state respectively. A woman, Molaji Osomo, is the
minister of housing. At the advisory level, two women Oby Ezekwesili and Remi
Oyo are handing budget and media respectively of the 36states, there is still
no female governor of the 36 Deputy Governor positions women now occupy two
representing an increase since there was just one in the 199-2003 dispensation.
The two female deputy governors. Alhaja Salimat Badru and Erelu Olusola Obada
are those of Ogun and Osun States respectively. There are also two female
speakers of the state house of assembly Ogun and Anabra states, Hon Titi
Sondunke-Osemi and Hon Eucharia Azodo respectively (although that of Anambra
State has been impeached). That also represents an increase from the one female
speaker we had in the 1999 to 2003 tenure. (ironically that have female Speaker
also did not finish her tenure).
In 2007, Nigeria conducted general
elections expected to mark her first transition from one civilian
democratically elected government to another. Based on information from independent
National Electoral Commission (INEC) a total number of 606 female candidates
distributed among 50 political parties contested for positions. The low numbers
of women elected into public office in Nigeria’s recent election neglect the
show pace of change and even regression in the country’s legislative, social
and political system. Nigeria has the largest economy in West African and the
third largest in Africa with a population of over 150million people.
2011 ELECTION-ANN PROGRESS FOR
WOMEN
How do these figures compare with the
results of the 2011 election? Has there been any improvement in the numbers of
woman in elective office. The answer is yes, even though the increase was
marginal. The political participation of women in electoral process in Nigeria
has been patchy, uneven and confined mostly to their roles as electorates and
voters. From April 9th to April 26th 2011, Nigeria held
legislative, presidential and gubernatorial/Houses of Assembly election
respectively. Toyin Ajao, a feminist blogger and peace and security fellow of
kings college London estimates that half of slightly over half of the
73.5million registered voters were women. During the latest legislative tenure,
only 7.3% of the representatives in Nigeria upper and lower chambers were
women. In this 2011 elections, 200 out of 2400 8.33% candidates for the House
of Representatives and 80 out of 720 (11.11%) candidates for the senate were
women.
Abiola Akiyode of the Lagos based women
Advocates Research and Documentation Centre (WARDC) says that over all 909 out
of 10,037 (9.06%) candidates for elective positions were women. The positions
include the Presidency, governorship and legislative seats. There has been an
overall regression in women’s participation in politics, seven (7) out of 109
(6.42%) Senators elected in 2011 are women compared to hire (10%) in 2007,
while only 12 out of 360 (3.33%) members of the House of Representatives are
women down from 26 in 2007. Out of Nigeria’s 36 states, only one-Lagos State
voted in a deputy governor and no woman was elected governor in entire 36
states of federation. While the current figures fall for short of the expectation
of many people and goals of those working to achieve gender party in
governance, they need to be acknowledged as some progress. Of course, there is
still a long way to go in the journey to equal participation of women in
politics and governance. It calls for all hands to be on deck and for extra
measures to speed up the process in the next few years. In summary, in all of
Nigeria’s political history including the previous attempts at democratic rule,
women were severely side-lined in terms of representation in government.
Although they constitute 50percent of the population and 151 percent of voters
in elections, women have ever had more than three percent representation in
national government. With military governments, women have been virtually
non-existent in governance in Nigeria.
In the civilian regimes, numerous
factors have constituted obstacles for them for the emerging democracy in Nigeria
In the civilian regimes, numerous
factors have constituted obstacles for them. For the emerging democracy in
Nigeria to be sustainable, all groups within the population must be actively
involved in governance. Women’s voice needs to be heard and their experience
and expertise utilized or the optimal growth and development of the country.
the empowerment of women and their involvement in governance will contribute to
the development and deepening of the democratic system.
END NOTES
Billery, Introduction to Nigerian Governance and
Politics, London, Macmillan 1982, p. 22.
Clo, Democracy Review, 2003, p. 24.
JHV, Nigeria Press Briefing Kiti: Democracy and
Governance, 1997, p.13.
Mba, Nigerian Women Mobilized, 1982, p. 19.
Ibid p. 16.
Nkechi Nwankwo, Gender equality in Nigeria
Politics Dentchez, Lagos 1996, p. 5.
Op ct p6
Op ct p. 13
Op cit. p. 5
Op. Cit. JHU, p. 4.
O. Barr in Hay, M. and Sticher, S. (eds) African
Women South of the Sahara , 1984, p. 5.
Unifem Status of Nigerian Women and men, 199, p.
16.
Niwe Mba, Nigeria women mobilized, 1982, p. 7.
Dpt. 1999, p. 14.
CHAPTER FOUR
SUMMARY OF
FINDINGS, CONCLUSION & RECOMMENDATIONS
4.1 SUMMARY OF FINDINGS
The
summary of findings of this work are as follows:
1.
Women are seen as the weaker
vessels therefore, men find it awkward when they see women that stand up to
them and go for political positions.
2.
Even in creation, the women has
made from the man and so therefore, men feel women should be under them
forgetting that women are also intelligent.
3.
In some religions, it is forbidden
for a woman to contest for any political position. In the Muslim religion,
there are a particular set of women who are not allowed to expose any part of
their bodies including their face. We still have barbaric practice and beliefs
that segregate and side track women in Nigeria.
4.2 CONCLUSION
The
journey seems rather long and the task appears daunting but there is on
alternative to using all means legal, lawful and political to emphasize the
imperativeness of increased women participation. In decision-making process as
or making key to the development of society globally it would seem progress has
been slow, if one compares the fact that only few country like Norway, Sweden
and South African have give appreciable meaning to increased women representative
through affirmative policies. But when viewed against where the journey,
commenced a world where women once did not even have voting right not to talk
of being elected then it would be understandable if it is suggested that there
has also been some progress. What must be property understood in fighting for
women right is that no single country will achieve a hundred percent goal if
there is no universal embrace of ideas of equality between men and women. In
this regard a uniting platform has been offered by the united Nations adoption
of thirty percent representation as the minimum proportion of women on public
life. As a well known, this is intended to serve the purpose of increasing
women decision making power, changing practices and culture and ensuring that
the situation improves and normalize overtime. The real challenge of course is
to translate theory into practice.
After
all in almost all countries, theoretically women have the right to vote, are
eligible for elections, appointment into public offices and the exercise of
public functions on equal terms with men at local, national and international
level. However, in reality, women’s representation in public life is abysmally
how due to factors that ranges from the social-cultural to the religious, the
social and the political.
For
women in Nigeria, the traditional informed control mechanism and the tripartite
legal system raise the need for women’s empowerment. Hence the task of
strategizing towards evolving a new system which transcends traditional gender
basis and incorporate social equity. The need for equal participation and
representation is not only a demand for justice but also an imperative for the
development of any nation. Hence our attitude to the issue is that it is a
matter of right and not privilege. The research/project work has shown that
various barriers and obstacles, prominent amongst which are the constitutional
systemic, the political and the social, often affect women politicians. Further
more, that there is a need to improve the constitution framework to incorporate
the need of women. The federal character principle in the constitution as not
adequate to address women concerns thus new strategies must be development to
assist women to gain greater control over economic resources through
constitutional and legislative reforms that favour affirmative action. Also it
is obvious from the research that the combination of electoral system with
party politics reduced greatly the chances of women.
The
male dominated party structures continue to sideline women and because of the
both party characteristic and procedure have succeeded in frustrating women
aspirants. Other constraints of women are social obstacles, fewer resources,
being poorer than men, stereotypes family responsibilities and multiple roles
at home and in society. Women who are in politics must begin to demand for a
radical action for change. There is a need for a roadmap, women must begin to
develop strategy on how to mainstream gender issues.
There
is a need for a minimum agenda across political parties is a game of numbers
and women should start effective use of their mineral strength to get to the
corridor of power. We therefore need an agenda, which we must place before out
different parties as a platform for action. It is also necessary to look beyond
the question of numbers to enhancing the quality and effectiveness of women
politicians women need supports to build informal networks and also take steps
at local and national levels to facilitate institutional political participation.
In order to increase the participation of women in politics women should use
the present dispensation to vote and to be voted for. There should be a
campaign to promote women’s issue on the political platforms and generate
support, so that more women can campaign for public office at the grassroots,
states, national and regional levels. From maintaining roasters of qualified
women for position and circulating it within a network to collection of data
and publicize of women’s participation in high-level decision-making, there is
a lot that can be done to promote qualified women to positions of women at
every level with the goal of achieving parity with men meanwhile women in power
should be encouraged to serve as mentors to others and advocates for affirmatives
action within the parties. Women should concentrate on building alliances,
solidarity and sensitization. There is the need to build a critical mass of
women. Nobody wants a woman president for women but a president who is a woman
and can also solve the problems affecting everybody irrespective of your gender
or coloration. Then it is important to properly situate the issue of gender
within the social political context. However, we need to understand the basic
principle that women empowerment can not be achieved without making men
critical partners in the attainment of the above stated goals. In conclusion
the government of Nigeria must as a matter of priority commit resources towards
women empowerment and development.
4.3 RECOMMENDATION
1.
Setting a firm time able to end
all forms of legal discrimination against women doing the line of CEDAW
contention on the elimination of all forms of discrimination and Beijin
platform of action (BPA).
2.
Establishing a framework to
promote legal equality.
3.
Campaigning to promote women’s
issues on political platforms.
4.
Encouraging women in power to
serve as mentor otherwise support qualified women candidates in their career
development.
5.
Setting an agenda to increase the
number of women in leadership position in public and private enterprise to at
least 30% with the view of achieving future parity with them.
6.
Striving to eliminate
demonization of poverty through provisions of basic amenities of life and
access to employment because women are not only mothers and wives but also agents
of change.
7.
Radio programming in some local
languages in addition to English for political education of both men and women.
8.
Mobilizing public opinion through
debates on women’s political involvement before, during and after elections.
9.
Reforming religions institution
so that there will be less bias when it comes to women involvement in politics.
10. Forming
powerful women’s voters league to further embrace women’s political
participation.
11. Adopting
more gender sensitive and equitable policies in the agenda and operations of
the political parties.
12. Emphasizing
the importance of the collective struggle of both sex as a means of overcoming
societal prejudices.
13. Unrelenting
bid by civil society group for legal reforms especially those aimed at removing
all vestiges of discrimination against women in all spheres of life.
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